DSpace Collection: 2009-03-31
http://hdl.handle.net/2115/38235
2009-03-312024-03-28T19:30:42Z佐藤知己著 『アイヌ語文法の基礎』 大学書林
http://hdl.handle.net/2115/38242
Title: 佐藤知己著 『アイヌ語文法の基礎』 大学書林
Authors: 中川, 裕
Description: 書評2009-03-30T15:00:00Z中川, 裕森永貴子著 『ロシアの拡大と毛皮交易16~19世紀シベリア・北太平洋の商人世界』
http://hdl.handle.net/2115/38241
Title: 森永貴子著 『ロシアの拡大と毛皮交易16~19世紀シベリア・北太平洋の商人世界』
Authors: 佐々木, 史郎
Description: 書評2009-03-30T15:00:00Z佐々木, 史郎ヤロスラフ賢公の教会規定 : 解説と試訳・訳注
http://hdl.handle.net/2115/38240
Title: ヤロスラフ賢公の教会規定 : 解説と試訳・訳注
Authors: 宮野, 裕
Abstract: This paper translates and provides commentary on the "Church" Statute of Prince Jaroslav (d.1054). This Statute was originally drafted in the 11th century, but it was considerably revised in each Russian eparchy up to the 18th century, and served as the judicial basis of Russian society. Moreover, the Statute defines the jurisdiction of the church and prescribes punitive measures against wrongdoings that would be referred to the church. Although a large number of studies have been made of the textlogical and chronological investigation of the Statute since the 19th century, there was little consensus. For example, N. Karamzin (1842) asserted that the Statute was drafted in the 14th century, that is, it was not the work of Jaroslav. But in 1972, J.N. Shchapov finally provided detailed evidence of when and how the Statute was drafted. He recognized the Statute as authentic, compiled by Jaroslav, and dating from 11th century. His thesis on the Statute is widely accepted. But this paper criticizes his idea of the "historical" relations between the short and long versions of the Statute. The paper also provides translations of both versions.
Description: 研究ノート2009-03-30T15:00:00Z宮野, 裕This paper translates and provides commentary on the "Church" Statute of Prince Jaroslav (d.1054). This Statute was originally drafted in the 11th century, but it was considerably revised in each Russian eparchy up to the 18th century, and served as the judicial basis of Russian society. Moreover, the Statute defines the jurisdiction of the church and prescribes punitive measures against wrongdoings that would be referred to the church. Although a large number of studies have been made of the textlogical and chronological investigation of the Statute since the 19th century, there was little consensus. For example, N. Karamzin (1842) asserted that the Statute was drafted in the 14th century, that is, it was not the work of Jaroslav. But in 1972, J.N. Shchapov finally provided detailed evidence of when and how the Statute was drafted. He recognized the Statute as authentic, compiled by Jaroslav, and dating from 11th century. His thesis on the Statute is widely accepted. But this paper criticizes his idea of the "historical" relations between the short and long versions of the Statute. The paper also provides translations of both versions.「疋田写真」データベース化とその利用の試み : 地域性、時代性の考察へ向けて
http://hdl.handle.net/2115/38239
Title: 「疋田写真」データベース化とその利用の試み : 地域性、時代性の考察へ向けて
Authors: 廣田, 理紗
Abstract: Hokkaido University has a great many historical photographs; a good example of which are the pictures taken by Kaitakushi. Recently, some of Kaitakushi's pictures were used to chronicle phases of the pioneer days in Hokkaido. About 5,000 of the most often requested photographs taken during the Meiji or Taisho era were selected and categorized in 1992. However,there are so many pictures that remain to be catalogued, such as photographs taken by Toyoji HIKITA; fondly known as Hikita pictures. In the first chapter, I show an outline of the Hikita Pictures. The Hikita Pictures were taken from 1900-1940. The chapter features three characteristic points. The first is the sheer volume. About 6,000 negatives out of 6,900 negatives made of glass were selected for paper prints. The second point is that even though these negatives made of glass are very valuable, they have been provided for public viewing. The third point has to do with the fact that Hikita left many notes about the pictures that specified when and where the picture was taken and provided details about the things in the photographs. I think the third point is the most important because the notes also help us understand how each picture is connected to the others. In the second chapter, I confirm the objects in the Hikita picture database. The contents of the Hikita Pictures, half of which is specimens of sea creatures. The remainder varies between photographs of people and landscapes. This paper focuses on the remainder, because it includes the pictures of Chishima, or Karahuto, and other prized photographs. Although the Hikita pictures are quite intriguing, they have rarely been used. This is due to the fact that they have not been properly catalogued. However,there is a database in place of the catalogue and it serves as a reliable reference. I finished making the database, so in the third chapter, I describe how it was constructed and is used. Its main function is to help search for pictures that are used as references, and change the order according to one's preference. Referencing using the database, Hikita Pictures is the most effective, I think. To demonstrate how the database works, I select the 35 pictures that were taken in Etorohu in August 1938, and using the reference notes, or by changing the order, I can find out the purpose of the trip, or know the location or the time that the photograph was taken.2009-03-30T15:00:00Z廣田, 理紗Hokkaido University has a great many historical photographs; a good example of which are the pictures taken by Kaitakushi. Recently, some of Kaitakushi's pictures were used to chronicle phases of the pioneer days in Hokkaido. About 5,000 of the most often requested photographs taken during the Meiji or Taisho era were selected and categorized in 1992. However,there are so many pictures that remain to be catalogued, such as photographs taken by Toyoji HIKITA; fondly known as Hikita pictures. In the first chapter, I show an outline of the Hikita Pictures. The Hikita Pictures were taken from 1900-1940. The chapter features three characteristic points. The first is the sheer volume. About 6,000 negatives out of 6,900 negatives made of glass were selected for paper prints. The second point is that even though these negatives made of glass are very valuable, they have been provided for public viewing. The third point has to do with the fact that Hikita left many notes about the pictures that specified when and where the picture was taken and provided details about the things in the photographs. I think the third point is the most important because the notes also help us understand how each picture is connected to the others. In the second chapter, I confirm the objects in the Hikita picture database. The contents of the Hikita Pictures, half of which is specimens of sea creatures. The remainder varies between photographs of people and landscapes. This paper focuses on the remainder, because it includes the pictures of Chishima, or Karahuto, and other prized photographs. Although the Hikita pictures are quite intriguing, they have rarely been used. This is due to the fact that they have not been properly catalogued. However,there is a database in place of the catalogue and it serves as a reliable reference. I finished making the database, so in the third chapter, I describe how it was constructed and is used. Its main function is to help search for pictures that are used as references, and change the order according to one's preference. Referencing using the database, Hikita Pictures is the most effective, I think. To demonstrate how the database works, I select the 35 pictures that were taken in Etorohu in August 1938, and using the reference notes, or by changing the order, I can find out the purpose of the trip, or know the location or the time that the photograph was taken.土地所有者になるために : モンゴル・ウランバートル市における土地私有化政策をめぐって
http://hdl.handle.net/2115/38238
Title: 土地所有者になるために : モンゴル・ウランバートル市における土地私有化政策をめぐって
Authors: 滝口, 良
Abstract: This article deals with the land privatization that has been taken place in Mongolia since the post-socialist 1990s transition. It aims to describe the changes that this land privatization has brought to peoples lives. There are many theories that deal with the land privatization in non-Western societies. The anthropological works dealing with this subject have been focused on the relation that takes place between the native "traditional" possession system and the "modern" Western system. Nowadays this relation is increasingly being described in terms of a dichotomy: the global or the local. This article, however, will examine privatization policies from another perspective. In Mongolia, jurists and government officers instruct people on privatization policies. They explain to populace the meaning of being an owner,and teach them all the necessary procedures to become one. Instead of focusing on the law and the new ownership system, I will focus on the citizens' instruction that takes place during the land privatization. I focus on two families that live in the Ger district of the city of Ulaanbaatar. While examine these families' lives before and after the application of the 2003's Land Ownership Low, I aim to show how people differently interpret what means to "own" the land.2009-03-30T15:00:00Z滝口, 良This article deals with the land privatization that has been taken place in Mongolia since the post-socialist 1990s transition. It aims to describe the changes that this land privatization has brought to peoples lives. There are many theories that deal with the land privatization in non-Western societies. The anthropological works dealing with this subject have been focused on the relation that takes place between the native "traditional" possession system and the "modern" Western system. Nowadays this relation is increasingly being described in terms of a dichotomy: the global or the local. This article, however, will examine privatization policies from another perspective. In Mongolia, jurists and government officers instruct people on privatization policies. They explain to populace the meaning of being an owner,and teach them all the necessary procedures to become one. Instead of focusing on the law and the new ownership system, I will focus on the citizens' instruction that takes place during the land privatization. I focus on two families that live in the Ger district of the city of Ulaanbaatar. While examine these families' lives before and after the application of the 2003's Land Ownership Low, I aim to show how people differently interpret what means to "own" the land.北海道東部の続縄文時代石器群
http://hdl.handle.net/2115/38237
Title: 北海道東部の続縄文時代石器群
Authors: 髙倉, 純
Abstract: The Epi-Jomon period of Hokkaido, northern part of the Japanese islands, ranges from 2,500 to 1,300 radiocarbon yr BP. Probably,it was parallel to the Yayoi and Kofun periods of Honshu,central part of the Japanese islands. Broadly speaking,the Yayoi and Kofun periods were characterized by the rapid spread and development of rice cultivation. On the contrary, the Epi-Jomon shows a unique socio-ecological adaptation of Hunter-Gatherers in Hokkaido. In order to examine the appearance and transformation of the Epi-Jomon society, it is important to discuss inter-regional interactions in and around Hokkaido, in relation to the introduction of iron tools from Honshu. Surely, studying the lithic assemblages of Epi-Jomon can contribute to reveal such issues. The purpose of this paper is to present the temporal variability of lithic assemblages of the Epi-Jomon in Eastern Hokkaido, and to discuss its significance. In this paper, I attempt to assess the composition of stone tools and lithic raw materials, and to examine the lithic reduction sequences. In general,the Epi-Jomon is divided into two chrono-cultural subdivisions: Early and Late. The stone tools of the Early Epi-Jomon in Eastern Hokkaido are usually composed of stone arrowheads, bifacial tools, points, tanged stone scrapers, side scrapers, end scrapers, drills, piece esquillee, polished axes, various pebble tools (stone hammers, whetstones, anvil stones, polishing stones and saddlequerns). On the other hand, some of these tools (stone arrowheads, bifacial tools, points, tanged stone scrapers, side scrapers, drills and polished axes) have drastically decreased or disappeared among the lithic assemblages of the Late Epi-Jomon. In addition, bifacial reduction sequences which characterized the lithic assemblages of the Early Epi-Jomon in Eastern Hokkaido have also disappeared among the Late Epi-Jomon. In the lithic assemblages of the Late Epi-Jomon, it is interesting to note that bipolar technique has played an important role of producing blanks of small flake tools, such as end scrapers. As a result, my assessment shows that many phenomena have coincidently changed between Early phase and Late phase of Epi-Jomon. It suggests that the typological and technological difference of lithic assemblages of the Epi-Jomon probably correlates with the chrono-cultural subdivisions.2009-03-30T15:00:00Z髙倉, 純The Epi-Jomon period of Hokkaido, northern part of the Japanese islands, ranges from 2,500 to 1,300 radiocarbon yr BP. Probably,it was parallel to the Yayoi and Kofun periods of Honshu,central part of the Japanese islands. Broadly speaking,the Yayoi and Kofun periods were characterized by the rapid spread and development of rice cultivation. On the contrary, the Epi-Jomon shows a unique socio-ecological adaptation of Hunter-Gatherers in Hokkaido. In order to examine the appearance and transformation of the Epi-Jomon society, it is important to discuss inter-regional interactions in and around Hokkaido, in relation to the introduction of iron tools from Honshu. Surely, studying the lithic assemblages of Epi-Jomon can contribute to reveal such issues. The purpose of this paper is to present the temporal variability of lithic assemblages of the Epi-Jomon in Eastern Hokkaido, and to discuss its significance. In this paper, I attempt to assess the composition of stone tools and lithic raw materials, and to examine the lithic reduction sequences. In general,the Epi-Jomon is divided into two chrono-cultural subdivisions: Early and Late. The stone tools of the Early Epi-Jomon in Eastern Hokkaido are usually composed of stone arrowheads, bifacial tools, points, tanged stone scrapers, side scrapers, end scrapers, drills, piece esquillee, polished axes, various pebble tools (stone hammers, whetstones, anvil stones, polishing stones and saddlequerns). On the other hand, some of these tools (stone arrowheads, bifacial tools, points, tanged stone scrapers, side scrapers, drills and polished axes) have drastically decreased or disappeared among the lithic assemblages of the Late Epi-Jomon. In addition, bifacial reduction sequences which characterized the lithic assemblages of the Early Epi-Jomon in Eastern Hokkaido have also disappeared among the Late Epi-Jomon. In the lithic assemblages of the Late Epi-Jomon, it is interesting to note that bipolar technique has played an important role of producing blanks of small flake tools, such as end scrapers. As a result, my assessment shows that many phenomena have coincidently changed between Early phase and Late phase of Epi-Jomon. It suggests that the typological and technological difference of lithic assemblages of the Epi-Jomon probably correlates with the chrono-cultural subdivisions.A sketch of Solon grammar
http://hdl.handle.net/2115/38236
Title: A sketch of Solon grammar
Authors: Tsumagari, Toshiro
Abstract: The present paper is intended as a grammatical sketch of Solon, a Tungusic language spoken in northern Inner Mongolia, China. The first section is a brief introduction including an explanation for dialects and previous literatures. The second section is devoted to phonology and the third to morphological description. In the fourth section, various types of noun phrase and sentence structure are illustrated. Finally,issues of lexical borrowing are briefly touched upon. Though the present sketch is far from a full grammatical description, it might be of some use for those who wish to get some general idea of this minority language. The first version of this sketch was contributed to a chapter of the Tungusic volume of grammatical description series. For some reason the volume has not appeared for several years, so that I will publish my chapter (with minor revisions) separately here with the permission of the volume editor Alexander Vovin.; 本稿は中国・内蒙古自治区北部のツングース系少数民族言語ソロン語について、文法事項を中心に概略したものである。ソロン語の話者は中国ではエウェンキ族(鄂温克 Ewenke)に分類され、その言語もエウェンキ語と呼ばれている。しかしながらツングース諸語の分類上、ロシア・東部シベリアから極東に広く分布するエウェンキー語(Ewenki,Evenki)とは(同系ではあるが)一般に別言語と位置づけられている。ソロン語についてはロシア人を含む西洋人の先駆的な研究に続き、1980年代以後、中国人研究者による記述研究がなされてきたが、残念ながら両者の研究成果が十分に統合されているとは言えないのが現状である。こうした状況を踏まえ、本稿ではロシア・中国双方の先行文献に基づきながら、筆者自身の観察と解釈を加えて、この言語の音韻・形態・統語上の特徴を概略し、若干の語彙に関する問題にも触れる。2009-03-30T15:00:00ZTsumagari, ToshiroThe present paper is intended as a grammatical sketch of Solon, a Tungusic language spoken in northern Inner Mongolia, China. The first section is a brief introduction including an explanation for dialects and previous literatures. The second section is devoted to phonology and the third to morphological description. In the fourth section, various types of noun phrase and sentence structure are illustrated. Finally,issues of lexical borrowing are briefly touched upon. Though the present sketch is far from a full grammatical description, it might be of some use for those who wish to get some general idea of this minority language. The first version of this sketch was contributed to a chapter of the Tungusic volume of grammatical description series. For some reason the volume has not appeared for several years, so that I will publish my chapter (with minor revisions) separately here with the permission of the volume editor Alexander Vovin.
本稿は中国・内蒙古自治区北部のツングース系少数民族言語ソロン語について、文法事項を中心に概略したものである。ソロン語の話者は中国ではエウェンキ族(鄂温克 Ewenke)に分類され、その言語もエウェンキ語と呼ばれている。しかしながらツングース諸語の分類上、ロシア・東部シベリアから極東に広く分布するエウェンキー語(Ewenki,Evenki)とは(同系ではあるが)一般に別言語と位置づけられている。ソロン語についてはロシア人を含む西洋人の先駆的な研究に続き、1980年代以後、中国人研究者による記述研究がなされてきたが、残念ながら両者の研究成果が十分に統合されているとは言えないのが現状である。こうした状況を踏まえ、本稿ではロシア・中国双方の先行文献に基づきながら、筆者自身の観察と解釈を加えて、この言語の音韻・形態・統語上の特徴を概略し、若干の語彙に関する問題にも触れる。