Reconsidering the Constraint-based Analysis of Kyrgyz Manner Alternation
SUGANUMA, Kentaro
Permalink : http://hdl.handle.net/2115/89074
KEYWORDS : Kyrgyz;phonology;manner alternation;Optimality Theory
Abstract
Kyrgyz shows manner alternation of /n/ and /l/; that is, /n/ and /l/ alternate to obstruent /d/ or /t/ under certain environments. /n/-alternation in Kyrgyz is observed in two positions: suffix-initial position and root-final position: the suffix-initial /n/ alternates after any consonant (n → d/ C-__), while the root-final /n/ alternates after /r/ (n → d/r__]root). /l/-alternation occurs in /l/-initial suffixes; /l/ alternates after any consonant other than /j/ and /r/ (l → d/ {C[+lateral], C[+nasal], C[-sonorant]}-__) and /l/ optionally alternates after /r/ only if /l/ belongs to a derivational suffix (l → d/ r-__). Recently, Gouskova (2004) and Zhu (2018) have applied Optimality Theory (OT, Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004) to the analysis of these alternations. OT analyzes phonological phenomena by violable constraints and their rankings. However, none of the rankings proposed in previous studies is sufficient to capture Kyrgyz manner alternation. For example, Gouskova’s (2004) ranking predicts that /l/ alternates after /j/, and Zhu’s (2018) ranking cannot explain the optional /l/-alternation after /r/. Therefore, this paper proposes the following new constraint ranking that accounts for Kyrgyz manner alternation.
Ranking: AGR-[±VOI], *RIS SON, *[C[LIQUID]N] > ID ROOT [NAS] >*FLAT, *[JN] > ID INFL SUF > ID DER SUF, *[RL] > *[JL]
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