Permalink : http://hdl.handle.net/2115/39235

The purpose of this research is to examine how Kazakhs in a northern Kazakhstan village have revitalized memorial services in the post-Soviet period. Although death is a biological phenomenon, it is accompanied by culturally and socially diverse practices such as funeral and memorial services, which often show dynamism with regard to societal changes. It is noted that religious practices often play an important role in the post-Soviet cultural revitalization. In Kazakhstan, memorial services for the deceased have become one of the focal points of this revitalization. Previous studies of these services have followed two distinct approaches. Kazakh ethnographers such as Arghїnbaev and Toleubaev have argued that memorial services contain the remnants of pre-Islamic beliefs, such as animism and shamanism, while Privratsky, an American anthropologist, claimed that they are in fact part of modern Kazakh Islamic practices. However, both approaches have neglected the social context of the vitalization of memorial services in post-Soviet period. Privratsky merely reported that memorial feasts are held in honor of "the collective memory of Muslim ancestors," and concluded that Kazakh genealogy is not an important aspect of these practices. This paper explores several characteristics of memorial services in the post-Soviet period by focusing on not only religious but also social aspects, based on field research conducted over 26 months between 2003 and 2007 in a northern Kazakh village of approximately 700 inhabitants. First, the historical background of Kazakh memorial services is surveyed. Russian literature of the 19th century describes Kazakh nomads reciting the Quran and serving special meals to the deceased. In the Soviet period, however, religious practices were strictly controlled by the government. Villagers remembered their elders secretly reciting the daily prayers, and that memorial services continued to be held, but only on a small scale. However, from perestroika onward, there was a revitalization of Islam in Kazakhstan; mosques were founded all over the country, and an Islamic university was established in the large city of Almaty. Thus, the villagers of northern Kazakhstan began to openly commemorate the deceased in various rituals. Villagers consistently observe the Islamic funeral and memorial services on the seventh and 40th days after death, and on the one-year anniversary. Moreover, they often recite the Quran to their ancestors both seasonally and on other occasions, including the 'Qŭrban ayt' (Feast of Sacrifice) or 'Ramazan' (the ninth month of the Islamic calendar, the month of fasting), as well as during less formal celebrations such as a son's graduation from university or the first horse milk of the year. In principle, the Islamic Feast of Sacrifice is celebrated by all Muslims to commemorate the prophet Abraham's willingness to sacrifice his son to prove his devotion to God. While Kazakh villagers are familiar with the story, they also consider the Feast of Sacrifice an important occasion in which they recite Quranic verses for the deceased, especially their ancestors. The performance of a memorial service at the Feast of Sacrifice by a Kazakh family in 2005 was analyzed based on participatory observation. The service involved the slaughter of a sheep by a village family, and then an elderly female neighbor prayed that spirits of their ancestors would be satisfied by the sacrifice. The family then prepared a meal of mutton and a special fried bread, to which they invited many kinsmen and neighbors. After the meal, the Quran was recited by the 'molda' (mullah) for the dead of the family. In order to elucidate the reason for this frequent commemoration of ancestors, the concept of memorial services was examined based on interviews with villagers. The dead are believed to become spirits, which are called 'aruaqtar', that then influence people's lives. Villagers explained the reason for the memorial services using a Kazakh proverb: "If the dead are not satisfied, the living will not get rich." A special fried bread called 'shelpek' is always prepared for memorial services, because Kazakhs believe that the spirits of the deceased are pleased by the aroma of oil. While there is no mention of memorial services in the Quran, villagers insisted that memorial services are practiced as a type of Islamic almsgiving, or 'sadaqa'. They also considered that the Quranic recital by a descendant is the equivalent of a good deed by the deceased himself; thus, the dead person will be able to go to Heaven due to the actions of his descendants. It was then attempted to confirm the identity of the deceased family members to whom these particular memorial activities were devoted. In the prayers, or 'bata,' after the Quranic recital, the purpose of the recital was explained, and three 'jŭrt' kinship categories were collectively mentioned. In addition, the personal names of the householder's patrilineal ancestors, the most of whom belonged to the same patrilineal clan, or 'ru,' were named and recited back to about the third generation. The spirits of householder's patrilineal ancestors are considered the most important; however, the wife's patrilineal ancestors are also mentioned, especially at the Feast of Sacrifice and during 'Ramazan', because the Quran recital is considered to be more acceptable to God during these periods. Several important characteristics of post-Soviet Kazakh memorial services are noted in the final section of this paper. As a result of the revitalization of Islam, Kazakh villagers began to hold the Feast of Sacrifice more openly and on a larger scale than during the Soviet period. However, it is important to note that the memorial services were vitalized along with the Feast of Sacrifice. It was observed that villagers tried to explain the significance of the memorial services by both Islamic contextualization and by emphasizing belief in the ancestor spirits. Kazakh villagers do not commemorate collective "Muslim ancestors," but concretely trace and commemorate the deceased's genealogy by repeated recitation of the Quran to their ancestors. It is concluded that these villagers vitalize the Feast of Sacrifice as memorial services in the post-Soviet period due to a persistent belief in the spirits of the deceased through Islamic contextualization and a strong genealogical awareness.