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定型節から目的語への繰り上げと位相理論

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この文献へのリンクには次のURLを使用してください:http://hdl.handle.net/2115/34567

タイトル: 定型節から目的語への繰り上げと位相理論
その他のタイトル: Raising to Object out of Finite Clauses and the Phase Theory
著者: 大野, 公裕 著作を一覧する
発行日: 2008年 3月17日
出版者: 北海道大学大学院メディア・コミュニケーション研究院 = Research Faculty of Media and Communication, Hokkaido University
誌名: メディア・コミュニケーション研究 = Media and Communication Studies
巻: 54
開始ページ: 35
終了ページ: 46
抄録: In this article, I examine the structure of the so-called Raising to Object construction in Japanese exemplified in (1), and claim that the accusative NP is base-generated in the Spec of Topic in the embedded clause and assigned its Case from the matrix verb. (1) Taroo-wa Hanako-o baka da to omotteiru. Taroo-NOM Hanako-ACC stupid COP COMP think ‘Taroo considers Hanako to be stupid.’ Hiraiwa (2005) has shown that the accusative NP in (1) can stay in the embedded clause, more specifically, in the c-command domain of the embedded C. Starting from this observation, I explore where the accusative NP is base-generated in the embedded clause. Within the minimalist framework proposed in Chomsky's recent works, I consider Case valuation of the accusative NP in the phase theory and point out a number of theoretical problems with Hiraiwa's assumption that the accusative NP is base-generated within the embedded TP and then moves to some higher position between TP and CP. These problems suggest that the accusative NP is base-generated above the embedded TP, its Case being valued by the matrix verb. Next, I present some empirical evidence that this conjecture is in fact true: the lack of reconstruction effects of the accusative NP. Finally, I adopt Rizzi's fine structure of the C system and give evidence that the accusative NP is base-generated in the Spec of the topmost Topic in the left periphery of the embedded clause.
資料タイプ: bulletin
URI: http://hdl.handle.net/2115/34567
出現コレクション:54

提供者: 大野 公裕

 

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